Anthropology as a Global Chain?

by Maia on July 23rd, 2006

The web changes the way in which we do research and reading. It seems as if its always been this easy to get stuff, but its really only a few years since google and e journals combined became really effective. Its now possible to find almost everything ever written on a topic across disciplines and times, certainly that which was published in the journals now in JSTOR. And this makes new connections and chance discoveries possible, as well as the deliberate searching out of old thinkers. Last week I found a gem of an essay by Mary Douglas called The Hotel Kwilu. A Model of a Model and which had appeared in American Anthropologist in 1989. The essay is a commentary on the lack of connection between anthropology and the world, including the world of other social sciences. Mary Douglas likens this state of isolation to that of the Sheraton style hotel where she had stayed on a revisit to her fieldwork villages in what was then Zaire, a hotel which was perfectly fine but which was not connected to any national infrastructure. There were taps and a bathroom, but no running water. There were light fittings but no electricity. The hotel was in a state of anticipated and optimistic readiness for incorporation into a system from which it was excluded. I am sure all of us have stayed at similar places.

Anthropology has changed a bit since then. So have hotels in rural Africa. But not always in the ways anticipated back in the 1980’s. Connection to international media via satelite television and mobile phone networks is now quite common for even quite local hotels in Tanzania for example. Connection to water less usual. The direction of change is equally unpredictable in anthropology. Anthropology today is more likely to study transnational communities, interstitial social settings and social movements than in the 1980s. We are also looking at bigger issues. From our own singular perspectives. Perhaps where the Sheraton analogy still apt is in this replication of what makes this perspective institutionally possible across much of the world. Despite neoliberalism, cuts in public education and so on, globally, it seems to me that there have never been more anthropology departments in universities and never more anthropologists. What are the implications of this? Are university departments of anthropology part of a global chain? And how diverse are the different institutional products of different countries and regions?

8 Comments
  1. Comet Jo permalink

    bq. Anthropology today is more likely to study transnational communities, interstitial social settings and social movements than in the 1980s. We are also looking at bigger issues.

    I just want to caution against the idea that MIGHT be implicit here, namely that by looking at bigger groups of people, more connected to the rest of the world, we are looking at “bigger issues.” Sometimes true, perhaps, but one of the strengths of anthropology has always been the contention that people everywhere are relevant to wha tit means to be human. Reading the above I was reminded of something said at the memerial service for Valerio Valeri, about the which he found important things to say about humanity as a whole by studying a community of a few hundred people.

  2. John McCreery permalink

    Touched by Comet Jo’s comment, I Googled my way to Valerio Valeri’s obituary, where I found the following comment from Marshall Sahlins,

    Valerio Valeri was a man of great erudition and broad scholarship….He knew nearly 20 languages, and he had a broad philosophical background and a wide knowledge of art and literature. Everything he touched in his particular discipline of anthropology was thus informed by a more general intellectual significance. If anthropology is a project of finding universals in particulars, human significances in relative differences, Valeri was a master of it.

    How can we, I wonder, situate what we discover among the handfuls of people whose lives we get to know relatively well in a way that is informed by a more general intellectual significance? Without, that is, returning to the grand narratives of science, progress, salvation or redemption that not only shaped the thinking of our previous generations but continue to shape the thinking of the movers and shakers, policymakers, consumers, tyrants and terrorists whose actions shape the world we inhabit?

  3. John McCreery permalink

    A follow-up on Mary Douglas: Besides finding Douglas’ ideas “good to think,” I admire the way in which she pursued the project of finding larger intellectual arenas in which to develop her insights, even reaching out to co-author books with colleagues from other academic disciplines. Thus, from Wikipedia,

    Douglas’s observations about the differences in traditional African societies’ views of risks such as sorcery led her to formulate a functionalist theory of how social structures generate supportive worldviews. She developed this more fully into the Cultural Theory of risk in Risk and Culture, written with political scientist Aaron Wildavsky. While the Cultural Theory of risk has not been hugely important within anthropology, it has made an impact on the inter-disciplinary field of risk perception.

    Or, from an Amazon reader review by Thomas H. Hall, of Mary Douglas and Baron Isherwood, The World of Goods.

    In this book, a renowned structural anthropologist collaborates with an economist to propose an explanation for one of the great mysteries of economics: where do “preferences” come from? Much of neoclassical economics rests on the assumption that, once we know the basic desires and tastes for a given population, we can then understand how people make rational decisions about how to acquire them and how to allocate their resources. The actual preferences themselves, however, are a black box. Douglas & Isherwood tackle this problem, evaluating several theories of “rational” economic actors from cross-cultural and systems theoretical perspectives. Their answer is that many of these mysteries are not so mysterious after all: we have good reasons for valuing the things we value, and many of the apparently frivolous fads and fashions are in fact life-and-death matters. “Good taste” is an index of social connections, of reproductive fitness, of one’s ability to mobilize resources — and in a society increasingly dependent on information and services rather than physical products, the race to remain on the cutting edge becomes like traveling with the Red Queen, faster and faster just to stay in place. Along the way, Douglas throws out a number of gems which are incidental to her argument, including a proposal for why women’s work is always and everywhere valued less than men’s. This book is a must-read for anyone interested in what anthropologists can tell us about the deep logics of behavior in the consumer society.

  4. AHEM. Yes well Mary Douglas is doubtless well aware of the importance of producing relevant works — now more than ever it seems that what we need to make sense of our globalized world is ANOTHER BOOK ABOUT DEUTORONOMY.

    Ok I\’m done now :)

    Seriously though, I think the thing that has changed in anthropology (although it has always been true to a certain extent) is that now \’they read what we write\’ and that this removes the social distance between anthropologists and their research subjects that was previously so comfortable.

  5. John McCreery permalink

    Rex, are you referring, perhaps, to Leviticus as Literature, which an Amazon.co.uk customer review describes as,

    This is essential reading for anyone interested on the bible. It is written from an anthropoligical point of view by one of the greatest anthropologists of our era. There is no claim here to biblical scholarship in its narrow sense. But the Book of Leviticus is shown to be much more than a boring list of sacrificial and purity rituals. The detailed poetic and thematic structures are described both as explanations of what the book is about religiously as well as from a literary point of view. This combination is really engaging. Although some of the associations and structures are forced and general rules are derived from single cases, although frankly I think she gets some things wrong, I have not been so stimulated by a book on the bible for a very long time. Even for someone totally familiar with traditional commentaries this will be an exciting read.

  6. Actually, I was splitting the difference between _Leviticus as Literature_ and _In The Wilderness_, which is on Numbers.

  7. John McCreery permalink

    Seriously, if a distinguished anthropologist in her 70s, who has written several books attempting to demonstrate the relevance of social anthropology to thinking about major themes in contemporary culture (the nature of risk and the significance of consumer goods), returns to the materials that first attracted her attention and stimulated the interest in risk, blame and taboo that has shaped all her work….Who are we to be snide. She has done far more than anyone here has or is likely to do to bring anthropology to bear on issues of intellectual significance outside the narrow bounds of our field and, IMHO, deserves our respect for doing so.

    Besides, writing about the Bible is likely to do more to bring anthropology to the attention of people who could seriously use its influence than any number of articles and books that are, at the end of the day, addressed to only a tiny handful of humanity, including both the people studied and the scholars at the intersection of particular theoretical and geographical interests.

  8. Seth permalink

    Plus! If you consider the New Testament and the Qur’an as successful mutations of the Biblical mode of political communication (addressing people who recognize themselves in the text–a massive end-run around both state sovereignty and local identity that ends up generative of both), then Deuteronomy wouldn’t be such a bad entree to thinking about our globalized globe. I don’t know if that’s exactly what Douglas is doing but her dismantling of the category of “scapegoat” [“The Go-Away Goat” in Rolf Rendtorff and Robert Kugler, eds., The Book of Leviticus: Composition and Reception. VTSupp vol. 93 (Leiden: Brill, 2003) 121-41] is wonderful.

    Concerning the Bible as jumbo transhistorical interpellation, I’m just finishing trying to argue this at book length (see Sanders, The Invention of Hebrew and the Formation of Ancient Israel, 2007 G*d willing)

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