Tag Archives: Technology

iPod as fieldwork device

It seems like we have to revisit the ‘what technology should I bring to the field’ discussion every six months since technology keeps on changing, and while I don’t want to be a shill for Apple, I have to admit that I am intrigued in the possibilities of using the new iPod Nano in the field. For US$150 the device offers 8 gigs of storage, and audio and video recording. At this price with even a most fieldwork grant you could get take four or five to the field, use some of them as hard drives to back up your data, use some to record things, and still have backups if those broke. I haven’t seen the new iPods in action and can’t speak to the quality of their recording — I am sure that for people who really want to record audio or video they will be inadequate. But for people who want a solution for just capturing everyday life, taking pictures, and making ‘home movies’ (always good to give to your hosts) mightn’t it provide a cheap and ubiquitous solution to some very basic fieldwork recordings? They’re also the kinds of things you can give to people when you leave as well. I think they might fill an interesting niche in the technology ecosystem all anthros drag into the field.

Anthropology, ‘Internet Addiction’, and Care

One of the latest pieces circulating in the news cycle is the New York Times’s story that an Internet addiction treatment center has opened in the United States — a story that was also covered on NPR and therefore now officially exists for all bougie academics. Since the single patient at this single Internet clinic is a World of Warcraft player and I am writing a book on World of Warcraft players which involves scandalous amounts of time playing the game, I’ve had these reports forwarded to me more than a few times. So I thought I might say something here about what anthropology has to say about Internet addiction — or at least what this anthropologist might say about it.

First, as someone who is not a neuroanthropologist or a psychological anthropologist I can’t really weigh in on the way that broad cultural patterns mold that ever-so-plastic organ that is our brain. Nor can I really speak as an expert on the clinical aspects of Internet addiction. To the best of my knowledge, however, the broad weight of opinion on Internet addiction is that there is no such thing. Or, to be more specific, although people with psychological issues might find the Internet as one place to work them out, there is no clear sense that the Internet is ‘addictive’ in the sense that chemicals are — something that is obvious to anyone who spends a lot of time on the Internet, or has helped friends and family who have suffered from substance abuse.

There is, for instance, the finding of Europe’s only Internet addiction clinic that 90% of people who seek treatment for compulsive gaming are not addictive. In 2007 the American Medical Association declined to make Internet addiction a recognized disorder. As one doctor said “There is nothing here to suggest that this is a complex physiological disease state akin to alcoholism or other substance abuse disorders, and it doesn’t get to have the word addiction attached to it.”Now to be sure, there are some psychologists who advocate the classifying ‘Internet addiction’ — which as far as I can tell really means ‘porn and World of Warcraft’ as an addiction. This is not unusual. Despite how Science is sometimes taught and perceived, ‘scientists’ and ‘experts’ rarely speak with a single unified voice about what The Truth is. There is a minority group which has been arguing vigorously for some time that Internet addiction is a real thing. My position, as you may have guessed, is that ‘Internet addiction’ does not exist, apart from a very small portion of unusual individuals.

What does anthropology have to say about this? One of the most important discoveries that anthropology made in the nineteenth century was that people do not believe things simply because they are true. Our perception of the world is underdetermined by its properties. One factor that causes us to believe that things are true or false (or exist or don’t exist) are the arbitrary and conventional structures of meaning — in other words, cultural structures that can be described, their histories and transformations traced, and so forth. So as an anthropologist when I see questions like “does Internet addiction exist” the first question I ask is: how and in what forms do preexisting cultural structures predispose people to think something is true?

Kate Lingley and I have tried to do this in an extremely tentative and provisional way in our brief paper entitled “Just Like The Qing Empire”: Internet Addiction, MMOGs, and Moral Crisis in Contemporary China. In this paper we examined media coverage of ‘Internet suicide’ in China. In China, Internet addiction has become a focus of popular attention because of the way that it crystallizes concerns about the country’s standing in the world: is the Internet like opium, and must we attempt to protect China from this foreign malevolent influence just as the Qing did? Or, on the other hand, must we adopt foreign technology like the Internet in order to avoid making the mistakes of nineteenth century Chinese, which suffered serious negative consequences from refusing to modernize. We also found that much of the discourse surrounding Internet addiction was compelling to people because it focused on China’s middle-class children, who grew up in a post-Tiananman age and experimenting with lifestyles different from those of their parents. Thus in the United States people take their children to Internet addiction clinics because they don’t spend any time outside or socializing with people. In China, people take their children to Internet addiction clinics because their children are playing basketball, dating, and playing video games instead of studying eight hours a day in order to get top grades in school.

Now, there are many more things that Chinese Internet addiction is about — the changing nature of the Chinese healthcare system, inherited organizational models for (re)education and group therapy, democracy and free speech on the Internet and in wang bas, and so forth. All of which is just to say that failing to appreciate the cultural context out of which Chinese Internet addiction occurs means giving up what we know about the phenomenon in order to understand it — and in particular it means that we will be fail if we assume that ‘if they’ve had it over here it must be the same thing as this stuff we are starting to get over here’.

Of course, the United States shared several traits with China — indeed, China and the US have been part of the same global system for as long as there has been a United States (that’s why your fancy dishes are called ‘China’). In the case of Internet addiction we see a similar set of concerns and understandings, albeit in a different context. The big one that leaps to my mind here is the medicalization of mental illness. The United States in particular is the inheritor of a cultural tradition which sees the world as composed of individuals decanted into bodies, and biologistic explanations of individual behavior are incredibly popular. MMOGs are replacing television as the thing people do in their free time — at least people in their twenties — and as people become more and more aware of the problem they are taking models from wider trends in American therapeutic culture and applying them to MMOGs.

I’ve argued that we need to move beyond approaches to video games which see them either as 1) pathological escapes from an Actually Fulfilling world or 2) emancipatory spaces which off the possibility of True Human Flourishing which our soulless modern age has denied us. Rather I think we need to understand them as the locus of projects for action, projects which communities form around (both in-game and out- of it). If we could generate a general model of projects and communities as they move through different media (whether it be face to face linguistic interaction, a MMOG or snailmail correspondence) then we could understand not just MMOGs but lots of other communities of practice and make some headway on comparing MMOGs with other phenomenon. And clearly, I’m not the first person to advocate this approach.

I will say one thing, though, that particularly bugs me about this discourse of Internet addiction: it seems at times to rely on an underlying model of human desire and commitment that I am not very happy with. It seems to imply that a proper human life is one in which you chose freely and autonomously what will make you feel happy and fulfilled. I would even go further to say that in the case of the rise of ‘spirituality’ as an idea and its subsequent marketing in the form of scented candles and white yoga clothing, Americans are increasingly urged not to care about anything at all. This sense of ‘bliss’ or ‘serenity’ or ‘calmness’ is seen as what people naturally want.

This sense of choosing freely — the ‘vending machine’ theory of well-being — or simply doing your best not to care at all offends several of my sensibilities, only some of which I’ll discuss here. In particular, I must admit that I think there is something wrong with a society that increasingly understands commitment as ‘addiction’. Many things in life — the most important ones, I think — are things that we commit ourselves not because we chose them, but because they chose us. Partially this is the appeal of craftsmanship — the idea that good work is worth doing for its own sake: that you are drawn into a project because of the worlds it discloses to you. But partly it is because human beings exist in webs of meaning and caring that they themselves have not spun, and this communal nature of life is too often overlooked American society today. Are we making passion, commitment, and dedication dirty words? Are we turning them into illnesses?

As someone who is a very successful raider in World of Warcraft and dedicates 15-20 hours a week to the game, I am not surprised to hear that people can get swept up in the game. But people who do not play these games need to recognize that people play them not because they are like drugs, but because they matter to people. As a serious player, I recognize that my achievements in the game are hollow compared to the things that really matter in my life — my research, my teaching, and especially my family. For various reasons — including my status as an embodied subject and my various cathections to long-term biographical self-conceptions — those projects matter to me more than in-game projects. I hope that people who consider themselves ‘addicted’ to Internet gaming realize that these sorts of things matter more than obtaining the last fragment needed for Val’anyr, Hammer of Ancient Kings. But at the same time we need to make sure that they understand that the problem is the projects they are pursuing, not the fact of caring itself.

Mendeley

Sente is still my reference manager of choice, but there is one major limitation to the way Sente works. Sente has powerful tools to identify citation information embedded on major scholarly sites. Recently they even added support for AnthroSource, which would be great news if AnthroSource hadn’t become so impossible to use since the “upgrade” back in January. But to make use of these tools you need to be using the web browser embedded within Sente. So, if Firefox is your default browser and you open up a link in an e-mail or blog post to an interesting book or scholarly article, you can’t simply add it to Sente. You have to launch Sente (if it isn’t already running), find the appropriate website, and find the book or article again. Oh, and don’t forget to properly select the library you want to import the article to…

By the time I’m done adding the citation I’ve forgotten what I was researching in the first place. Or I just don’t do it because it is too much of a pain. I want to be able to save that citation right then and there – in my browser, while I’m doing whatever it was I’m doing, without missing a beat. Continue reading

Petition in Support of Dr. Janice Harper

David Price has an article in CounterPunch about Janice Harper, an Assistant Professor with the University of Tennessee-Knoxville whose tenure review and subsequent firings seem rather suspicious. In particular, she says that she was told her tenure “would not have been an issue” had she not raised concerns which led the college to call for a sexual harassment investigation against one of her colleagues. What is worse, is that it seems that in retaliation she was also subject to an investigation which involved both Homeland Security and the FBI:

Dr. Harper says that in early June, the University of Tennessee’s Institutional Review Board (IRB) revoked her standing research clearance on the grounds that the police and FBI investigations and the seizure of her research materials exposed her informants to risks. She was told that she “could not use my data until I had assurance from the FBI and university that I was no longer under surveillance.” As these investigations continued, however, they found nothing to indicate that she had made threats or was somehow building a hydrogen bomb. Yet, Dr. Harper was caught in a classic double-bind. Although the FBI did not find that she had done anything wrong, she could not complete her work simply because this investigation had opened her private research records up to FBI scrutiny. This, of course, seriously imperiled her professional activity and development. Last fall, Dr. Harper learned that the faculty in her department voted to deny her tenure application.

There is a petition on her behalf.

(Thanks to the many, many, people who sent this our way. Server was acting sluggish so apologies for the delay.)

Who isn’t on Twitter?

When the American Anthropology Association is on Twitter, that must mean everyone is. But, I ask: is there a Twigital Divide? Should I be writing a grant proposal to study those left behind, tweetless and downtwodden? Clearly the time has come for me to stop not thinking about facebook and start not thinking about Twitter!

On the convergence of virtual and actual

I was thinking about Tom Boellstorff’s claim that “culture has always been virtual” when this story arrived, of a man who learned about birth from watching YouTube videos about how to deliver a baby, and then immediately delivered his wife’s baby. There is something about the convergence of virtual worlds and actual ones here in the ability to try out birth (from a few more and less graphic angles) before going through it “for real” which is, I think a nice demonstration of the relationship between virtual and actual. The baby is healthy and the Guardian’s version of the story notes that the man also learned to play guitar and solve a rubik’s cube by watching youtube videos, while the BBC version credits his navy training (another kind of virtual world. It gives me hope for all those level 80 healers out there…

Letters from the Front

Just some quick pointers to various military-related materials around the Web.

1147444_bleak_iFirst, Roberto Gonzalez sent me this link to a BBC Radio 4 show on the embedding of anthropologists in military units in Iraq and Afghanistan. The show features Gonzalez, Michael Gilsenan, Hugh Gusterson, Montgomery McFate, Marcus Griffin, and others. Listen quickly, as it appears to only be posted until the end of April.

Next up, Laura Nader speaks about her recent book (with Ugo Mattei) Plunder: When the Rule of Law is Illegal. Any opportunity to hear Nader bring her tremendous mind to bear on the issues that define our lives is not to be missed!

Finally, from the Wired Danger Room comes this odd report about the military’s efforts to reproduce anthropological analysis using computer modeling. Now, I’ve been pretty dismissive of the military’s ability to grapple with the implications of anthropology – there is, I firmly believe (and find borne out over and over in the historical record) a fundamental disconnect between the logic of military action and the logic of anthropological practice. But even I’m a little shocked (and a little amused…) by the justification given for looking into the use of computerized behavioral modeling:

More intriguing about this proposal, however, is the reasoning for why virtual anthros may be better than the real thing: “Today in DoD, this analysis is conducted by anthropological experts, known to carry their own bias, which often leads to faulty recommendations and inaccurate behavioral forecasting.”

Let me know how that works out for ya, guys.

Pandemic Anthropology

For those looking for a place to read more about the politics surrounding the swine flu pre-pandemic, Carlo Caduff, Lyle Fearnley, Andrew Lakoff, Stephen Collier and others at “Vital Systems Security” are madly, and intelligently, covering the unfolding events. Several posts in the last few days have addressed the issue of vaccine creation, the WHO and New York City public health surveillance of the disease. I also recommend Nick Shapiro’s posts on Bio-Agent Sentinels and Animal Biosecurity, which preceded the outbreak. All good stuff.

Finding Anthropology on Twitter

Right on the heals of complaining about my bad habit of information foraging, I stumbled upon a very good way to search Twitter for interesting anthropology links. I know some people are convinced Twitter is the end of civilization as we know it, but as Chuck Tryon explains:

articles that complain about Twitter typically focus on the content of individual tweets rather than focusing on those tweets in a specific context. It would be similar to denigrating conversation by pulling out individual pieces of dialogue rather than seeing how conversation involves a variety of practices

Twitter is only as good as the conversation you are having – and that depends on finding interesting people to follow on Twitter. I recently discovered that you can filter Twitter search results for posts which contain anthropology related links. The only problem is that many of the results are links to various Twitter services that let you find other anthropologists on Twitter. By excluding “twitter” from the search you end up with a fascinating feed of what people are reading, watching, and thinking about in the anthropological twitterverse. For instance, I just discovered the SFAA Podcasts twitter feed!

OK, now back to complaining about information overload!

Information Foraging

Following up on Rex’s last post, I’d like to ask readers a question about doing online research. One of my favorite radio shows, On the Media, recently interviewed John Lorinc, author of an article on online distractions. In the interview Lornic says the following:

I came across some studies that had identified these two terrifically descriptive terms, “informavores” and “information foraging,” when you’re working online. There is this craving for information. It’s difficult to know when to stop. And you can quickly come to the conclusion that you can go on link by link by link ad infinitum… You’re always waiting to get closest to some ideal of a perfect state of information? And, you know, in a pre-digital, pre-Internet environment, you could get to that place very quickly, whereas with the Internet I do think that the horizon is much further off, and yet you still crave that. And I do think that’s the addictive nature of it.

I imagine most of you wouldn’t be reading this if they weren’t informavores as well. I use a number of tools to try to keep my information foraging at bay (i.e. Too Many Tabs, Instapaper, Sente, and Evernote), but it isn’t enough. I often feel I spend more time foraging than I do sitting down and actually reading what I’ve found. Of course, some times I find something and I know this is the thing I need to read next – but that feeling comes few and far between. So I’m turning to our readers: how do you deal with information addiction?

UPDATE: I wanted to add a further thought, which is that the nature of our discipline might make matters worse. Perhaps I am wrong, but I can imagine being an expert in a particular subbranch of neurobiology and having a pretty clear idea of what literature I need to read in order to be a master of my field. The holistic nature of our discipline, however, means that there is seemingly no limit to what we must know. In my dissertation, for instance, I discovered that the literature on land policy was particularly useful for understanding the development of Aborigine education policy. If I hadn’t been an informavore I never would have made such a discovery. But the vast amount of really interesting and potentially useful stuff is simply overwhelming me these days…

Digital Anthropology: Check.

I was impressed to notice that University College London is going to begin offering an “MA in ‘Digital Anthropology'”:http://www.ucl.ac.uk/anthropology/digital-anthropology/about.htm starting in fall 2009. They are even “hiring”:http://careercenter.aaanet.org/jobdetail.cfm?job=3084996 if you’d like to throw your hat in the ring. Just a quick glance at their core readings — Chris Kelty, Tom Boellstorf, Mimi Ito, The Daniel Miller Assemblage, etc — makes the course look interesting to me, and relatively low on the hand-waveyness scale. Sounds like an interesting program.

Memory, Virtual Archives and Johannes Fabian

This is a long, drafty, and somewhat less review-y version of a review I am writing about Johannes Fabian’s latest projects.

Johannes Fabian, Ethnography as Commentary: Writing from the Virtual Archive, Durham, N.C. Duke University Press, 2008. 140p.

Johannes Fabian, Memory Against Culture: Arguments and Reminders, Durham, N.C. Duke University Press, 2007. 192p.

Johannes Fabian’s contributions to anthropology are distinctive. Depending on where you start, he is an Africanist, a linguistic anthropologist, a partisan and critic of the “Writing Culture” moment in American anthropology, a folklorist and student of popular culture, a historian of drug use by colonial anthropologists, a theorist of time, memory and alterity, and now something of a hacker as well. Two books have been published recently which capture some of his heterogeneously distinctive work. The first, Memory against Culture, collects several recent talks and articles, including one called “Ethnography from the Virtual Archive” which is the germ of the second book Ethnography as Commentary, which is both a meditation on creating a “virtual archive” of ethnographic sources and a “late ethnography” of a popular ritual which Fabian experienced in 1974 in Zaire with a healer named Kahenga.

fabian1

Ethnography as Commentary is a fabulous (and short!) book. It is an excellent introduction to the detailed practice of ethnographic interpretation; it is also a very thought-provoking meditation on the changing possibilities of the ethnographic monograph after the Internet, and of the possibility of ethnography as commentary. Lastly it is an experiment in “late ethnography” in which an explanation of a cultural event (Kahenga’ ritual exclusion and protection of Fabian’s house in the Katanga district) is conducted through memory, notes and sources, contrasted with the practice of writing history and used to shed light on the authority of ethnographies based in contemporary sources.

The core of the experiment proposed by Fabian is the creation of an online resource of materials: The Language and Popular Culture in Africa Archives (LPCA). The PCA includes an online open access journal started in 2001; a collection of heterogeneous transcripts and documents collected, transcribed, translated and annotated, all of which bear some rough thematic connection to popular culture in Central Africa. It includes, for instance, a Boloki perception of a visit to Europe written in 1895-1897; translated and annotated poems from a French collection of Central African songs and poems published around 1930. Several conversations that Fabian has recorded over the years (including the one which is at the center of Ethnography as Commentary). An interview with a Burundi potter discussing the history and local techniques; the “archives of popular culture” which contain letters, a local history of Zaire, a play “Power is Eaten Whole” by the “Troupe Théâtrale Mufwankolo” of Lubumbashi; a vocabulary and other texts; an extensive bibliography of related sources.
Continue reading

Amish Hackers and Homeowners

Two recent stories on the Amish which came to my attention. Neither are by anthropologists, but I thought they’d be of interest to our readers:

Kevin Kelly has an article about how the Amish use technology in which he argues that it is wrong to think of them as luddites.

Behind all of these variations is the Amish motivation to strengthen their communities. When cars first appeared at the turn of last century the Amish noticed that drivers would leave the community to go shopping or sight-seeing in other towns, instead of shopping local and visiting friends, family or the sick on Sundays. Therefore the ban on unbridled mobility was aimed to make it hard to travel far, and to keep energy focused in the local community. Some parishes did this with more strictness than others.

And a while back NPR had a story about how one of the few banks doing well in the downturn is one which loans almost exclusively to the Amish:

O’Brien knows which farms are doing well and which are struggling. He has to. When you lend to the Amish, you’re making a loan that you’re going to keep. You can’t sell that loan to some other investor.

That’s because Amish loans can’t be securitized — they can’t be turned into a mortgage-backed security or a collateralized debt obligation — like all of those subprime loans that have caused so much trouble.

You can’t do that for an odd legal reason. Homes that don’t have electric power don’t qualify for securitization. Neither do homes without traditional insurance. Amish homes are unmodernized, and the Amish use their own kind of insurance.

Facebook and the disambiguation of relationships

A little while ago I posted an opinion piece at Inside Higher Ed about “The Flaws of Facebook”:http://www.insidehighered.com/views/2009/02/03/golub that netted the usual motley assemblage of comments from IHE’s public sphere as well as from some “old acquaintances”:http://akma.disseminary.org/?p=1985. The feedback has led me to think quite a bit more about the claims raised in the piece in a way that has proven very fertile, which is great. As a result I’ve thought a lot about the varying degrees of publicity and the shadings of privacy and connection that come with being a teacher and scholar. But there is one part of the article which I think is particularly productive (for me at least) which hasn’t gotten a full airing that I wanted to bring up here.

One of the main claims of my piece is that our everyday face to face interactions with people are ambiguous, polysemous, and constantly being renarrated. We employ a vocabulary of cultural forms to understand who we and they are, and this vocabulary and those understandings vary widely in terms of how precise they are and how much we believe in them. Social Networking sites, on the other hand, describe a social network that is unambiguous, concrete, and univalent. Some people have objected to my piece by saying that Facebook has privacy features, or that more granular definitions of friends and permissions attached to those identities to, say, view restricted contact like personal photos could solve the problems I describe. But however elaborated such a system is, it is still a system in which identities are fixed in clearly defined and unambiguous ways. This is a difference in kind.

Facebook subsumes face-to-face relationships, in other words, in a way similar to the way that governments subsume indigenous identities. Or at least the identities of Papua New Guinean ‘landowners’ that I study. In both cases, an institution identified people as being unambiguously one type or another for the purposes of granting them access to resources and certain types of moral recognition. I think many of the criticisms that people have made of the deforming effects of state recognition on indigenous people could in principle be applied to people on Facebook — although of course the stakes are infinitely lower in the case of Facebook.

Radcliffe-Brown, of course, understood kinship systems as institutions: there were offices that office holders moved through, and lineage systems were hierarchical bureaucracies with ascending and descending units. When the structure-functionalist kool aid wore off, of course, we realized that this was not the case. ‘Tribes’ and ‘Clans’ looked like bureaucracies because they were in fact newly-solidified institutions designed to interface with the colonial forces which were themselves institutionalized and bureaucratic. A major — and not very new or controversial, I hope — claim of my own work is that people like the Ipili I lived with who lived largely without writing or formalized institutions with a separation of office and office holder had identities and relationships that were much more fluid than those of their colonial rulers. And this despite the fact that said colonial rulers believed themselves to be modern, changing, and progressive and believed the people they conquered to be static, unchanging, ossified, etc.

Insofar as indigenous critiques of pathological state systems of recognition are a particular example of a more general criticism of the way that living breathing lifeworlds are formalized — or rather, how the living and breathing world has little solidified models of itself drifting around within it in complexly reflective ways. We might start thinking about the performative nature of these identities: how a new occasion to classify people as friends suddenly makes us rethink not just whether someone is a friend, but what that category means. Perhaps there will someday be computers with databases so massive and logic so fuzzy they will be able to intuit that I want Jim to see photos of my weekend hike, but not Sarah. But in the meantime perhaps we need someone to write a critique of the corrosive bureaucratic imagining of friendship that Facebook promotes. Or perhaps we need an expose of the way that its mechanisms are constantly being detourned by the communities that are constantly appropriating it.

Viagra soup: a photo essay

In an earlier post, I wondered: Why are there a dozen local brands of sildenafil (the generic name for what’s in Viagra) available in Egyptian pharmacies, and only one brand of emergency contraceptive pill (ECP)? I’m not sure that I have a wholly convincing answer to this question, but I’ll lay out some parts of the puzzle. Jump in with a comment if you have other ideas.

Some Egyptian brands of sildenafil: Viagra, Virecta, Erec, Kemagra, Vigorama, Phragra, and Vigorex

Local brands of sildenafil available in Egypt, including: Viagra, Virecta, Erec, Kemagra, Vigorama, Vigoran, Phragra, and Vigorex. Photo by Lisa Wynn

First, Americans might think of erectile dysfunction drugs (EDDs) as somewhat shameful (think about mocking attitudes towards Bob Dole’s decision to do Viagra ads), but they have a more positive connotation in Egypt. Two reasons:

  1. As I’ve written elsewhere, in Egypt these drugs seem to be associated as much with the promise of exuberant, excessive sexuality rather than a shameful lack of erection. Maybe it would be more accurate to call them erection enhancement drugs rather than erectile dysfunction drugs. Continue reading